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TRC Final ReportPage Number (Original) 88 Paragraph Numbers 109 to 113 Volume 4 Chapter 3 Subsection 12 The sanctions question109 As the repression of the 1980s escalated, some faith communities and organisations joined the liberation organisations in appealing to international partners to press for economic sanctions.52 Many however opposed sanctions or were ambivalent on the question. Some, like the Church of the Province, confessed to its failure to support sanctions only as late as 1989.53 The Catholic Bishops Conference, “fearing a great increase of poverty and unemployment”, supported sanctions with reservations. "History”, it said, “will be the judge”. The only English-speaking church to give unqualified support to sanctions from the outset was the United Congregational Church.54 110 Many people (mostly white) voiced opposition to sanctions, ostensibly because they would ‘hurt blacks’ as well as themselves. This was no less true of members of faith communities. However, communities were also striving to voice what the majority wanted and to bring them into the debate. In spite of surveys used by liberals to argue that a large number of blacks opposed sanctions, surveys also concluded that the majority recognised the leadership of people such as Desmond Tutu and Allan Boesak in speaking for them on the question.55 A voice for the voiceless111 Faith communities have strong traditions that call on them to speak for the voiceless. But the leadership of the English-speaking churches failed to express adequately the aspirations of their constituents, the majority of whom were black. The English-speaking churches were concerned not to alienate their members, while the Afrikaans Reformed Churches promoted the interests of Afrikaner nationalism. It was left, said the SACC in its submission, to organisations such as itself, to act as the “legitimate voice” of South Africans. Indeed, the SACC became an internationally significant information centre, representing the oppressed before the world. It could do this, Bernard Spong told the hearings, because its network of churches reached every corner of society. 112 The policies of the apartheid state created turmoil not only in South Africa, but spilling over into other countries as well, as people were uprooted and removed from their homes and members of resistance movements were forced to leave the country. This created a refugee problem. The United Congregational Church’s regional identity allowed it to express special concern for refugees both in South Africa and in neighbouring states. 113 South African faith communities have a rich tradition of expressing themselves in news publications, and it was in this important way that faith communities voiced the aspirations of black people, as well as creating space for discussion and debate. The Catholic Church started the New Nation, while the Muslim community started the Muslim News and Al Qalam. These publications went beyond sectarian interests to address the core issues of exploitation, and faced banning orders on numerous occasions. 52 The MYM noted that most Muslim countries cut their ties to South Africa during the apartheid years. Ironically, this created difficulties for South African Muslims. Those on pilgrimage suffered tremendous hardship, financial and personal loss and humiliation when undertaking their trip to Mecca. 53 Ironically, it was the Church of the Province Archbishop of Cape Town who was one of the most vocal proponents of sanctions. 54 The Assembly adopted a resolution supporting “immediate and comprehensive sanctions” in 1986. 55 Cecil Mzingisi Ngcokovane, ‘Economic Sanctions: The Only Remaining Non-Violent Means to Dismantle Apartheid’, Journal of Theology for Southern Africa 62 (March 1988), 53-61; Mark Orkin, Disinvestment: the struggle and the future (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1986). |