TRC Final Report

Volume 3

Chapter 5

Subsection 40

Vigilantes and Inter-Group Conflicts: Contra-mobilisation

242 The state’s strategy of contra-mobilisation sought both to build anti-liberation movement forces by covert means and to foster divisions within communities. In the Western Cape, the social divisions between the more ‘traditionalist’ sectors of African townships in hostels and squatter camps and the more permanent township dwellers offered the potential for successful contra-mobilisation. From 1986 onwards the state poured resources into those sectors of the townships that were prepared to adopt a pro-government stance. Illegal actions committed by these groups were permitted, ignored and promoted, particularly if they targeted supporters of the liberation movements.

243 As described above, the repeated conflicts in the squatter areas of Cape Town in the 1980s have their roots in the state’s Coloured Labour Preference Policy, which resulted in rigorous influx control, pass law prosecutions and squatter camp removals. The discrimination between Africans with legal and permanent residence in Cape Town and those deemed ‘illegal’ and living mainly in hostels and squatter camps created the environment for the conflict that tore communities apart. It also led to a very fragmented and divided civic movement in the Peninsula.

244 Three conflicts in Cape Town’s informal settlements reflect different aspects of the state’s practice of contra-mobilisation in this region: the conflict between the witdoeke/’fathers’ and the ‘comrades’ from December 1985 to June 1986; abuses committed by the former witdoeke leaders in Khayelitsha and Old Crossroads from 1986 to 1989; interventions in an internal split within KTC squatter camp in 1987 to 1988.

Background

245 Crossroads squatter camp was first settled in 1975 and grew rapidly after 1977 as homes in other areas were bulldozed by the state. In Crossroads, too, residents faced eviction orders and repeated police raids in the state’s ongoing efforts to remove the camp. After a major local and international ‘Save Crossroads’ campaign, the Minister of Co-operation and Development, Mr Piet Koornhof, granted a temporary reprieve in 1979. In addition, an agreement was reached to build a new township for many Crossroads residents, to be known as New Crossroads.

246 Most squatter camps developed complex structures of internal organisation: an executive committee with ‘headmen’ who would also run ‘courts’ and ‘community police’. Forms of ‘taxation’ for access to sites became standard as leaders came to depend on financial contributions from residents for a range of issues: funerals, legal fees and community structures such as crèches. Conflict over political control over these finances was common, resulting in breakaway groups.

247 The fierce struggles with the state facilitated the emergence of powerful leaders as protectors and patrons of squatters. In Old Crossroads, a pattern of authoritarian leadership was entrenched under Mr Johnson Ngxobongwana. Links to the UDF and other organisations in the formal townships remained largely symbolic as leaders tended to be preoccupied with internal squatter issues. The political relationship was also weakened by long-standing divisions between legal township residents and migrants (the amagoduka), who were based in the hostels and squatter camps.

248 During the course of 1985, Crossroads leader Johnson Ngxobongwana increasingly distanced himself from the UDF. It was widely speculated that he had switched allegiances to the state and its security forces while in prison awaiting trial on charges on which he was later acquitted.

249 The first open conflict between the ‘comrades’ and the old guard, or ‘fathers’ (later called witdoeke, after their distinguishing white headcloths) occurred towards the end of December 1985, spilling over into the new year as groups of ‘fathers’ rampaged through New Crossroads, attacking activists. At least seven people were killed and many injured on both sides. Hundreds of activists fled the area. Allegations of police encouraging and escorting the ‘fathers’ on their raids were made in the media at the time and in statements to the Commission. During the conflict, witdoek leader Prince Gobingca rose to prominence. The Commission found that Gobingca was a source for both the Security Branch and Military Intelligence (MI) as from an unspecified date in the 1980s.

250 The first six months of 1986 were marked by sporadic ongoing skirmishes and conflicts between Ngxobongwana’s supporters and areas or activists aligned with the UDF. Although witdoeke stated that they were resisting the militant practices of the ‘comrades’, such as necklacings and people’s courts, there were victims of necklacing and burning on both sides of the conflict. In addition, it was widely known that Crossroads itself operated systems of informal justice and prisons. Legal support bodies at the time took numerous affidavits from those held and harshly beaten in one such prison. While the people’s courts on the ‘comrades’ side were repeatedly raided by police, the witdoek courts and prison remained untouched or even protected and defended by the forces of law and order, as illustrated by the following case.