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Special Report Transcript Episode 70, Section 1, Time 00:18Hello. Our main focus tonight is on the four cabinet ministers who appeared before the Truth Commission this past week. But we also have a report on the role that Intelezi, some people call it muti, plays in a conflict in KwaZulu-Natal. Let me introduce you to the four actors who starred in this week”s drama. Pik Botha, Minister of Foreign Affairs between 1977 and 1994. // ”En ek gee nie vanaand om of Oliver Tambo deur Reagan ontmoet word en of hy deur Gorbachev ontmoet word nie en of hy deur Kohl ontmoet word nie en of hy deur Margaret Thatcher ontmoet word nie, of die koningin van Brittanje ontmoet word nie, hierdie regering onderhandel nie met wreedaards en terroriste oor die toekoms van Suid Afrika nie.” [I don’t care whether Oliver Tambo is met by Reagan, Gorbachev or Kohl; if he’s met by Margaret Thatcher or the Queen of Britain, this government will not negotiate with brutes and terrorists over the future of South Africa] // Adriaan Vlok, Deputy Minister of Defence between 1984 and 1986 and Minister of Law and Order between 1986 and 1991. // Roelf Meyer, Deputy Minister of Law and Order between 1986 and 1988 and Minister of Defence between August 1991 and May 1992. // We”ve achieved tremendous success for the last year in that regard. I must say that I think the spirit of resistance is still there; it”s true and for that reason we believe that we have to maintain the state of emergency. // Leon Wessels, Deputy Minister of Law and Order in 1988. // ”Ek wil waarsku dat die regering en die Suid Afrikaanse polisie geen radikale optrede sal duld nie.” [I’m warning that the government and the SAP will not tolerate radical actions] // The former ministers were called to the Truth Commission because they were members of the State Security Council. Former State President, PW Botha, former Defence Minister Magnus Malan, and National Intelligence boss Niel Barnard will be called before the Commission in George next month. The Truth Commission focused on the State Security Council because that was the body, rather than the cabinet of the white Parliament, that determined policy and strategy in the turbulent 1980s, almost a government inside a government. The council effectively took over government under the reign of PW Botha because of his belief that there was a total communist onslaught against the country that made a total strategy of counterrevolutionary measures necessary. PW Botha was the head of the State Security Council. He was joined by the Ministers of Defence, Law & Order, Foreign Affairs and Justice, and occasionally other cabinet ministers were also co-opted. The chief of the Defence Force, the commissioner of the police, the head of the National Intelligence and the secretaries of Foreign Affairs and Justice, nowadays called Directors-General, were also permanent members. The council had a full time administrative office called the secretariat, dominated by the military. The next step down was the 11 joint management centres or JMC”s, subdivided into sub JMC”s and mini JMC”s They were responsible for coordinating state departments on regional and local level who had to implement State Security Council policies. The question has been asked many many times by the Truth Commission the last few months. Did the State Security Council order the gross violations of human rights by policemen and soldiers like assassinations, torture and massacres? And, did they know of these violations committed by the security police and units such as Vlakplaas and the CCB? So far, politicians and generals, including former state president FW de Klerk have said they never ordered anything illegal and they only heard of the abuses when it became known during Truth Commission hearings. Fortunately, many Security Council documents still exist and from these documents ordinary people like me understand very easily that the council did order murders and assassinations. Like this one of 24 January 1987. It states clearly: ”Identify and eliminate the revolutionary leaders and especially those with charisma.” // Then of course, we hear from generals and politicians that ”eliminate” did not mean kill. But let”s look at this State Security document of 18 February 1980. ”The council agrees to continually consider the implications of the elimination of Rhodesian politicians.” Then it explains what this means. It is pointed out that the failed attempts to kill Mugabe are turning him into a martyr. So, in this case, elimination did mean kill. But let”s go to this week”s hearing to find out what the former cabinet members say they ordered and what they knew. Notes: Max du Preez; Pik Botha 31 January 1987; Adriaan Vlok; Botswana/Zimbabwe Border 1988; Roelf Meyer on the 1987 state of emergency; Leon Wessels, 30 November 1988; Graphic, illustrating SSC structure A state of emergency was declared on 20 July 1985 in terms of Section 2(1) of the Public Safety Act of 1953. It affected 36 magisterial districts in the Cape, Transvaal and the Orange Free State, and was extended to eight other areas on 26 October 1985. It was lifted on 7 March 1986 and re-imposed ... a farm near Pretoria used as a base for police hit squads |