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right-wing attacksExplanation ‘Bearing the Brunt: the night of the assegais. Report by Anneliese Burgess.’ // For much of the eighties the small township of Bruntville here outside Mooiriver in the KwaZulu-Natal midlands was a relatively peaceful place, but in 1990 the war that has ripped this province apart came to ... Last night’s explosion at Glen Ashley in Durban… // // The Swimmers were also proud of their skill at detonating bombs without loss of human life. In 1987 and 1988 the unit frequently crossed over into Swaziland for extra military training. In 1991 PAC’s military high command launched operation ‘Great Storm.’ Farmers and their families started dying on the Free State and Eastern Cape platteland [countryside]. One of those who died was the elderly Mr. JJ Fourie. He was ambushed by four APLA members late one afternoon here at the ... ... in 1961 till the cut-off date that is May 1994 and those activities of course include ambushes on security forces, the police and the soldiers; attacks on police facilities like police stations or military facilities like camps, etcetera. And of course as a matter of fact I am going to ... But there were also the killers from the other side. APLA soldiers who had attacked soft targets like restaurants, pubs and the St. James Church where 11 churchgoers died. For victims the long wait for the truth often ended in an emotional showdown with those who had pulled the triggers and yield ... And then there are the people sometimes only vaguely associated with the ANC who were killed by the IFP. Often the KwaZulu police were suspected of being involved in these killings or involved by closing their ears and their eyes to people’s cries for help. In 1976 Simon Farisani became the first black dean of Beuster House, established by white Lutheran missionaries a century before. // The message was simple, that apartheid was seen … it came from the devil and all serious people must pull their resources to support the freedom struggle of our ... The comrades retaliated and KwaNdebele burned. Chris van Niekerk was then in charge of the KwaNdebele police. He was opposed to independence and to the KwaNdebele government’s use of Mbokodo to terrorise the local people. // The KwaNdebele government was actually my boss so I had to kind of obey ... In Pretoria, Mbokodo’s rampage was becoming a headache and its leader, Piet Ntuli an embarrassment. // Piet Ntuli was originally placed there by the government to become the next chief minister, however he went out of control and it was clear that the government could not detain him in terms of ... I was forced to kill my own people, the people that I devoted my life into liberating. // We believed in what we were doing as killers, we were seeing it as a war situation. // Our job was to hunt cadres, whether PAC or ANC, and we kill them. If we think they are useless, we kill them, but if we ... This hostel on the other side of town housed a gang called the Toasters. They were young IFP members who got out of hand. Their political and criminal activities included murder, rape, assault and robbery. The Toasters left a trail of destruction behind them. Their signature: burnt houses, property ... ... Heidelberg Tavern. These were three specific incidences. In this case, was the political leadership at the highest level consulted prior to these attacks? And if not, in the aftermath of these did the political leadership have any objection or did they condone these incidences? // The structure ... Two previous APLA operations, the St James Church and the Heidelberg Tavern attacks, had raised several questions. Those questions came up yet again this week. When exactly did APLA suspend the armed struggle and what role did race play in the attacks? ... Inkatha recruits were trained in secret in Caprivi in Northern Namibia in 1986 and put under the control of IFP leader MZ Khumalo. One of the first attacks of the Operation Marion Caprivi group was the massacre of 13 people, mostly women and children at KwaMakhutha on 20 January 1987. The report ... we start with a special story about forgiveness. The Azanian People’s Army was much feared by white South Africans because of their often ruthless attacks on civilians. For the first time this week the APLA high command formerly accepted responsibility for these attacks in an interview with the ... ... Party viewed themselves as the permanent government and then the critical distinction between government and state disappeared. Therefore in the attacks on the Nationalist Party’s racial policies became viewed as attacks on the state. Now despite all of the above, did we do enough to fight ... One wonders why all the men who were named as the officers who planned and ordered these racial attacks on civilian targets were not criminally charged. It seems they did not apply for amnesty. Perhaps the Truth Commission should consider a special hearing on this, because these men are morally as ... in all its manifestations. We make no apologies, we have nothing to hide. // But there was a wide expectation that the PAC should explain the brutal attacks by APLA on white civilians. // A new pattern arose in the 1990s where civilians within the white community were attacked. In the nature of ... ... negotiated settlement in the world trade center in Kempton Park. Only a few kilometers away the Vusimuzi hostel served as a springboard for vicious attacks on the community. It was not an isolated case. In the hostels across the East Rand there originated what became simplistically known as black ... ... of the Sasol oil refinery in the 1980s was one of MK’s success stories. The unit that carried out this attack was also responsible for the attacks on Voortrekkerhoogte Air Force base in Pretoria and the Koeberg nuclear plant near Cape Town. A commander in this crack sabotage unit was ... |
